埃及二次“走向共和”My vision for the next phase of Egypt’s revolution

Every morning for the past week I have awoken with the same thought: I have witnessed a miracle; we have toppled a dictator. Then I consider the steps that lie ahead, and think, with renewed determination: we have sowed the seeds for a new Egypt, but it is not enough; we must nurture and grow the plant.

最近一周里，我每天早上醒来都在想：我见证了一个奇迹；我们推翻了一个独裁者。然后，我开始思考接下来我们应该怎么做。我怀着全新的决心这样想：我们已经播下了“新埃及”的种子，但这还不够；我们必须培育这颗种子长成参天大树。

Egypt’s awakening has spread hope across the Arab world. The courage shown by the Libyan people risking everything for their freedom is only the latest incredible example. But to realise this vision of Egypt’s “Second Republic” – a democracy rooted in social justice, equal opportunity, respect for human rights and other universal values – is an enormous, complex undertaking. Egypt under Hosni Mubarak had deteriorated to the status of a failed state. We must wipe the slate clean and start again.

埃及的觉醒在整个阿拉伯世界播撒下了希望。利比亚人民为了自由不惜一切代价的壮举，不过是又一个让人难以置信的例子。然而，对埃及来说，实现“第二共和”的梦想将是一桩宏大而复杂的事业——那是一种建立在社会公正、机会均等、尊重人权以及其它普世价值基础上的民主。在胡斯尼•穆巴拉克(Hosni Mubarak)治下，埃及已经沦落为一个“失败国家”。我们必须革故鼎新，从头开始。

The transition before us is critical. Democracy is more than a ballot box. As much as we Egyptians treasure our military, acting alone it cannot provide the legitimacy to lay the foundations for democracy.

眼下的过渡阶段至关重要。民主可不仅仅是一个投票箱。虽然我们埃及人极为拥戴我们的军队，但如果军方独自行事，就无法为奠定民主基础的事业提供合法性。

So far the army has been leading the “transition” in an opaque and exclusive manner. It has not courted any faction of Egyptian society, other than to meet selectively with a few young people whose names have gained notice. It has not outlined a plan or timeline for how the transition will lead to a democratic state.

迄今为止，军方一直在以一种不透明、排外的方式领导“过渡”。除了有选择地会晤若干知名的青年人，军方没有向埃及社会的任何派系示过好。至于如何从过渡发展到建立民主国家，军方也没有制定计划或时间表。

This has me – like many of my young colleagues – worried. Shaking hands with a couple of young men and billing the result as a youth revolution is far from sufficient. The path to democracy must be inclusive, with its goal the full transformation of Egypt. To progress constructively from Days of Rage to Days of Rebuilding, we urgently need four building blocks to be set in place:

与许多年轻同事一样，我也对此感到担忧。与若干青年握握手，把这场革命宣扬为“青年革命”，是远远不够的。通往民主的道路必须包罗广泛，目标是对埃及进行全面变革。为了从富有建设性地从“愤怒之日”迈向“重建之日”，我们迫切需要打好四个基础：

First, there should be a provisional constitution guaranteeing equal rights and basic freedoms, and outlining the purposes and limited authorities of the transitional government. This should be designed explicitly to carry the country past a defined set of milestones. The existing constitution entrenched the old regime, with imperial powers for the president, a non-representative parliament, and a quasi-independent judiciary. At the very least, the effort to patch up the old constitution must make it clear this is a temporary move until a new democratic constitution is drafted and adopted through a constitutional assembly.

第一，应当制定一部“临时宪法”，保障平等权利和基本自由，阐明过渡政府的目标和有限权力。这一点必须明确构思，以使埃及顺利地度过一系列必经的里程碑阶段。现行宪法维护旧政权，总统享有无上权力，议会不能代表民意，司法机构处于半独立地位。在最低限度上，修补旧宪法的努力必须明确表明，这不过是临时措施，之后将会经由制宪会议起草并通过一部新的民主宪法。

Second, a three-person presidential council should be formed to lead the transition. Two of its members should be civilians, neither of whom should have ties to the old regime. The third should be from the military. This council will be the first step towards inspiring collective trust that Egypt is moving in the right direction. The army should be the guarantor of security during this transition. But it should not be in the driver’s seat; for effective governance, it needs the partnership of civilian leaders to ensure the aspirations of the people are fairly represented and upheld.

第二，应当成立一个“三人总统委员会”，以领导过渡。委员会应当包括两名与旧政权毫无瓜葛的平民成员，第三人则应来自军方。成立三人委员会，将是朝着树立“集体信任感”——让人民相信埃及正走在正确道路上——迈出的第一步。在过渡时期，军方应当是安全的保障者。但它不应坐到驾驶席上。为了实施有效的治理，它需要平民领导人的合作，以确保人民的愿望得到公正的代表和维护。

Third, there should be a caretaker government of highly qualified people of unquestionable integrity, to provide the continuation of basic services, replacing elements of the old regime that have lost credibility. This government should nurture the formation of strong institutions that make up the backbone of civil society. Most importantly, it should put in place the structures to pave the way for free and fair elections.

第三，过渡政府应当由清正廉洁、才能出众的人员组成，以便继续提供各项基本服务，取代旧政权中已丧失公信力的各个机关。它应当推动成立强有力的机构，把它们培养为公民社会的支柱。最重要的是，它应当确立为公平自由的选举铺平道路的机制。

This transitional body should be for at least a year – not six months as currently proposed. We must give new political parties time to organise themselves and engage with society. A rushed transition will only benefit existing parties and groups, leaving the silent majority still absent from the political scene, and leading to non-representative, skewed elections.

过渡政府应当至少存续一年，当前所提议的半年时间太短了。我们必须给新政党留出建设组织并与社会展开接触的时间。仓促完成过渡，只对现有党派和团体有利，而让“沉默的大多数人”继续远离政事，催生违背民意和不公正的选举。

Fourth, all residual instruments of the outgoing dictatorship should be abolished. The emergency law, which suffocated the country for 30 years, should be repealed immediately – as should edicts restricting the formation of political parties, forbidding the right to assembly, or constraining the freedom of the press. Political detainees should be released from prison.

第四，倒台的独裁政权的一切残余机制都应彻底废除。30年来窒息着这个国家的“紧急状态法”必须立刻撤销。限制组建政党、禁止集会权或束缚新闻自由的法规也都应废除。政治犯应当从牢里释放出来。

Some have voiced concern about the role the Muslim Brotherhood would play. This misconception should be set straight. The Brotherhood in Egypt is a religiously conservative but non-violent group. It has gained credibility for providing social services where the Mubarak government failed. It has also committed publicly to participating in a civil – not a religious – state and to the principles of equal rights irrespective of religion. While I do not share the Brotherhood’s religious views, I foresee it being part of a democratic political process. It is supported by a sizeable minority, and should be represented, with other groups – socialists, liberals, etc – under a constitution that establishes the civil nature of the state, and guarantees the right to representative government.

对于穆斯林兄弟会(Muslim Brotherhood)将扮演的角色，有些人表示了担忧。应当纠正这种错误观念。埃及的兄弟会是一个宗教上保守但非暴力的团体。它因提供穆巴拉克政府未能提供的社会服务而赢得民众信任。兄弟会也已公开承诺将融入世俗（而非宗教）国家，遵守与宗教无关的平等权利原则。我虽然不认同兄弟会的宗教观点，但我预感兄弟会将成为民主政治进程中的一份子。兄弟会受到规模不小的少数民众的支持。按照明确埃及属于世俗国家、并保障代议制政府权利的宪法，兄弟会与社会主义者、自由派等其他团体一样，理应在政府中占有一席之地。

What I have outlined is not my vision, per se; it is a vision shared by a robust majority of Egyptians, including the many youth groups with whom I have been working closely for more than a year. Our vision of a “Second Republic” is of a modern, moderate Egypt. Its democratic institutions must be equipped with the structures and leadership that will enable us to catch up with the rest of the world in science and technology, to provide opportunities for the 40 per cent of our citizens who live in poverty and to educate the 30 per cent who are illiterate. This will take time but we must get it right.

从本质上来说，我所勾画的并非我一己的梦想，而是埃及“活跃的大多数人”的共同梦想——其中的许多青年团体，我一年多来一直在与他们亲密共事。我们梦想中的“第二共和”，是一个现代化的、温和的埃及。它的民主制度必须具备如下的架构和领导：让我们能够在科学技术领域追赶世界其它地区；为生活在贫困之中的40%的民众提供机会；让不识字的30%的民众接受教育。这的确需要时间，但我们的方向必须正确。

The dream of democracy has long been enshrined in the hearts of the Egyptian people. It only needed awakening. Our young people created the spark and all of Egypt has embraced their leadership to build a beacon spreading hope throughout the Arab world, most recently in Libya. This is only the beginning.

“民主梦”早已埋藏在埃及人民心中，只待唤醒。我们的青年点燃了火花，全体埃及人已环绕在他们的领导人周围，共同建设一座灯塔，让希望之光照遍整个阿拉伯世界。最近，这股希望之光照到了利比亚。而这仅仅是个开始。

As head of the International Atomic Energy Agency, the writer won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2005. He is the author of the forthcoming book, The Age of Deception: Nuclear Diplomacy in Treacherous Times

本文作者穆罕默德•巴拉迪(Mohamed ElBaradei)在担任国际原子能机构(IAEA)总干事期间，于2005年获得诺贝尔和平奖。他的新书《瞒天过海：背信年代的核外交》(The Age of Deception: Nuclear Diplomacy in Treacherous Times)即将出版