苹果出现白条触屏失灵:诺贝尔奖演讲 响彻政治领域的欲望

诺贝尔奖演讲

Nobel Lecture, December 11, 1950

时间：1950年12月11日

What Desires Are Politically Important?

响彻政治领域的欲望

——哪些欲望对政治有重大影响？

Your Royal Highness, Ladies and Gentlemen,

尊敬的皇家学院，女士们，先生们

我为什么选择这个演讲主题呢？因为我认为当前大多数关于政治和政治理论的讨论对人们的心理探讨不足。经济数据，人口数目，宪政等等，关于这些话题的讨论不绝于耳。很容易就可以查出朝鲜战争爆发时南朝鲜和北朝鲜各自的人口数量。如果查相关书籍，你可以获知他们的人均收入，双方的军队规模。但是，如果你想知道朝鲜人的习性，以及南朝鲜人和北朝鲜人是否有显著差异；如果你想知道他们的生活观念，他们的抱怨，渴望，及忧虑；总之，你想知道他们的行为动机，但是你查遍参考书仍然徒劳。所以，你无从知晓南朝鲜人是拥护联合国军，还是喜欢与其北方兄弟统一。同样，你也不能确定他们是否愿意为了获得选举他们闻所未闻的一些政客的投票权而放弃土地改革（*注1）。居庙堂之高的当权者忽视了这些问题（即大众心理），所以经常引起大众失望。如果政治也讲求科学，如果政治不总是那样出其不意，我们的政治策略理应可以更好地照顾到人类活动的各种动机。饥饿对政治口号有什么影响？饥饿与你吃饭时摄入多少卡洛里（热量单位）有何关系？如果有人想给你民主，而另外一人愿意给你一袋粮食，在何种饥饿状态下你更愿意接受粮食？诸如此类问题，我们考虑太少了。然而，我们姑且不谈朝鲜人，谈一谈我们人类吧。

人类活动由欲望驱使。有些道德家构建了一整套谬论，宣称：如果站在责任和道德原则的立场上，人们就可能抵制欲望。我说它是谬论，不是说从来没有人出于责任心而行动，而是因为——除非人们乐意负担责任，否则责任无法拘束他们。如果你想知道人们的行为，除了需主要了解他们的物质生活外，还必须清楚他们的各种欲望及其强弱对比。有些欲望虽然作用很大，但通常不影响政治。到了一定年龄，多数人就想结婚。 但是，一般而言，人们无需借助任何政治手段可以达成此愿望。当然，也有例外。强掳萨宾妇女就是一个例子（*注2）。历史上，澳大利亚北部地区的年轻力壮的男人们因为不情愿舍弃与女性做伴而不愿劳动（指男性才能胜任的体力劳动——译者注），这严重阻碍了该地区的发展。但是，这些事例并不常见。男女两性彼此表现出的吸引力通常并不影响政治。

影响政治的欲望可以分为两类：主类和次类。主类包括生活的必须物资：食物，住所和衣着。当这些物品十分短缺时，人们为觅取它们会不择手段，不惜暴力。据研究人类远古历史的学者说，阿拉伯地区先后爆发了四次饥荒，期间难民大量涌入邻近的地区，从而对邻近地区的政治、文化和宗教产生的重大影响。其中最后一次饥荒促进了伊斯兰教的诞生。俄罗斯南部的日耳曼部落逐渐扩张到英格兰（英国），然后再到旧金山（美国），其动机也相似（生活物资需求驱使）。所以，觅食欲望曾经是，而且仍然是影响政治的主要因素。

但是，人类跟动物有一个很重要的区别，即人类的有些欲望是无限度的，永远也无法完全满足，即使生活在天堂，人类还是无休止地追求（这些欲望）。蟒蛇吃饱之后会睡觉，等到饿时才醒来。人类大多与此不同。当习惯分散居住的阿拉伯人夺得东罗马帝国的珍宝后，占据无比奢华的宫殿。尽管如此，他们并没有偃旗息鼓。身价卑微的希腊奴隶为他们贡上珍馐佳肴，饥饿不再成为其行为动机。但是，其它欲望促使他们蠢蠢欲动，尤其是下列四项，我们可称其为：占有欲，竞争欲，名欲，及权欲。

占有欲即希望占有的物品或对其占有权越多越好。我推测，这种欲望源于人们对生活必需品的喜爱及担心其失去的双重心态。我曾经帮助过两名爱沙尼亚的小女孩，她们九死一生，逃过了一次饥荒。她们住在我家，当然食物多多。但是，她们一有空就光顾邻近的农场偷土豆，然后把它们囤积起来。Rockefeller（洛克菲勒）童年历经贫穷的磨难，成年后对食物有与此相似的感情。同样，享受拜占庭帝国丝绸卧榻之舒适的阿拉伯首领不能忘却沙漠，而且收集的珍品远非他们身体享用之需。但是，无论对占有欲作何心理分析，都不能否认它是人们行为的一大动机——尤其对于我上面所述的那些权贵人物，它是难填的欲壑之一。不管你已经拥有多少，你总是想占有更多。满足是未曾光临人类的一个梦想。

但是，虽然占有欲是资本主义制度发展的原动力，但绝不是人类战胜饥饿以来最强势的欲望。竞争欲是一种强大得多的欲望。在伊斯兰历史中，因为苏丹（某些穆斯林国家的最高统治者）的儿子们（同父异母）意见不一致，国家政权遭受厄运。由此引发的内战使整个国家化为废墟。类似的事情也发生在现代欧洲。当英国政府不明智地邀请德国皇帝参观Spithead（英国港口名，皇家海军所在地）的海军阅兵式时，后者（德国皇帝）头脑里闪现的想法出乎我们的意料。他想，“我一定要有一支跟祖母（借指英国。德国和英国有一定渊源关系——译者注）一样强大的海军”。一念之间，已种下后日的祸根。如果占有欲总是强于竞争欲，那么世上人们会更幸福。但实际上，只要能够将对手的领地夷为平地，相当多的人都乐意面对（战争带来的）贫困。所以，可以理解目前（世界范围）的高税收（应该指关税，意图是保护本国利益。译者注）水平。

名欲有着巨大的力量。跟小孩相处时间较长的人都知道小孩无时无刻不在做一些惹人注目的动作，一边说“看着我”。“看着我”是人类最基本的欲望之一。它有无数种形式，从表演噱头到追求身后流芳。文艺复兴时期，有一个意大利的王子。临终之前，牧师问他有什么事要忏悔。“是的”他说，“有一件事。有一次，皇上和教皇同时造访我。我带他们到我的一座塔顶观光。我没想到有机会可以将他们两人双双推下塔，那样我就会获得不朽的名声。”历史资料没有记载牧师是否为他做赦罪陈述。名欲的麻烦之一是它会贪婪地吸食“养分”而不断膨胀。你被他人谈论得越多，也就越希望更多人谈论你。被控告的谋杀犯获许出席关于他所涉案件的庭审新闻发布会，如果他发现哪家报纸对案件报道不充分，他会感到气愤。他在其他报纸上读到越多关于自己的报导，对于哪家吝啬版面不大肆报道他的报纸也就越感愤怒。政客和文人们也有相同的情形。他们越出名，摘要类的报刊就会发觉越难满足他们的需要。从三岁小孩到皱眉头即让世人颤栗的一国之首，可见名欲对于人类生活的各个方面影响之大，怎么夸张也不为过。人类甚至犯下渎神的罪过——推定上帝也有类似欲望，即希望得到永久的传颂。

尽管上述我们已经探讨的几种欲望有强大的威力，有一种欲望却强于它们当中任何一者。我想说它就是权欲。权欲与名欲密不可分，但绝不等同。名欲需要名誉来满足，无须权力就可以轻松博取名誉。美国最享有盛名的是影星。但是，非美活动调查委员会不享任何声誉，却可以将他们（影星）掉价。在英国，国王比首相名气大，但首相权力大于国王。许多人偏爱名誉。但总体来说，跟偏爱权力的人相比，前者（偏爱名誉的人）对事情的发展趋势影响较小。1814年，Blücher（布吕歇尔，普鲁士元帅，在数次重大战役中名声远扬。译者注）参观拿破仑的皇宫，说道，“他真是个傻瓜，拥有这么多（财物，名声等），还要跑去打莫斯科。”拿破仑当然不是没有名欲，但让他做选择的话，他宁愿要权力。和名欲一样，权欲也是无法满足的。除非是无限大的权力，否则任何事物也满足不了它。它尤其是雄心勃勃者的共性，但逐权者众多，而成功者寥寥。权欲的确是伟人们生活的最大动机。

权欲随掌权经历增加而增长。不管是芝麻小官，还是一国之首，这一点都适用。1914之前
的幸福日子里，豪门太太们有条件雇佣一帮仆人。随年纪增加，她们对于长管家务大权的迷恋不断增长。与此相似，在独裁国家掌权者极尽权力享乐，时间越长，变得越来越专横跋扈。既然对于他人的权力表现为强人所难，在某些按章办事的场合，权欲熏心者更喜欢将痛苦施加于人而不是投其所好。如果你向老板请假离开公司，他的权欲会驱使他拒绝你的请求而不是同意，因为如此他会更加有满足感。如果你申请建房，显然拒绝比批准能让相关职务的小官感受更多的快意。就是此种心态使得权欲成为一种很危险的欲望。

But it has other sides which are more desirable. The pursuit of knowledge is, I think, mainly actuated by love of power. And so are all advances in scientific technique. In politics, also, a reformer may have just as strong a love of power as a despot. It would be a complete mistake to decry love of power altogether as a motive. Whether you will be led by this motive to actions which are useful, or to actions which are pernicious, depends upon the social system, and upon your capacities. If your capacities are theoretical or technical, you will contribute to knowledge or technique, and, as a rule, your activity will be useful. If you are a politician you may be actuated by love of power, but as a rule this motive will join itself on to the desire to see some state of affairs realized which, for some reason, you prefer to the status quo. A great general may, like Alcibiades, be quite indifferent as to which side he fights on, but most generals have preferred to fight for their own country, and have, therefore, had other motives besides love of power. The politician may change sides so frequently as to find himself always in the majority, but most politicians have a preference for one party to the other, and subordinate their love of power to this preference. Love of power as nearly pure as possible is to be seen in various different types of men. One type is the soldier of fortune, of whom Napoleon is the supreme example. Napoleon had, I think, no ideological preference for France over Corsica, but if he had become Emperor of Corsica he would not have been so great a man as he became by pretending to be a Frenchman. Such men, however, are not quite pure examples, since they also derive immense satisfaction from vanity. The purest type is that of the eminence grise - the power behind the throne that never appears in public, and merely hugs itself with the secret thought: ?How little these puppets know who is pulling the strings.? Baron Holstein, who controlled the foreign policy of the German Empire from 1890 to 1906, illustrates this type to perfection. He lived in a slum; he never appeared in society; he avoided meeting the Emperor, except on one single occasion when the Emperor's importunity could not be resisted; he refused all invitations to Court functions, on the ground that he possessed no court dress. He had acquired secrets which enabled him to blackmail the Chancellor and many of the Kaiser's intimates. He used the power of blackmail, not to acquire wealth, or fame, or any other obvious advantage, but merely to compel the adoption of the foreign policy he preferred. In the East, similar characters were not very uncommon among eunuchs.

但是，欲望也有积极的一面。我认为，求知欲主要源于权欲。科技领域的所有进步也如此。在政治领域，改革者的权欲并不亚于暴君。如果完全否定权欲这种欲望的价值，那绝对是一个错误。权欲是促使你做有用的事，还是做搞破坏，这取决于社会制度及你的能力。如果你搞理论或者技术，你将对理论或技术有所贡献；通常，你做的是有用的事。如果你是政客，你可能受权欲的支使，但通常它与偏爱相交融。偏爱表现为希望看到你的喜欢的情况发生（因为某种原因产生偏爱）。大将军，如阿尔西比亚德斯（公元前450-公元前404，雅典政治家，伯罗奔尼撒战争中的将领。译者注），可能根本不在乎为哪方而战。但多数将军喜欢为自己的祖国而战，因此除了权欲之外，他们还有其他（作战）动机。政客为了能够永远处于主导地位而频繁变换立场，但是多数政客有一个自己偏爱的党派，并将权欲倾注其中。在各种不同的人身上可看到赤裸的权欲。其中一类是幸运的战士，拿破仑就是最好的例子。我想，拿破仑没有意识形态偏见，不会爱法兰西胜过科西嘉岛。如果拿破仑当上科西嘉岛的皇帝，他就远比不上佯装法国人而建立的巨大功勋（译者注：科西嘉岛位于法国东南部的地中海上，远离法国内陆。科西嘉人的族源和所受文化影响十分复杂。1796年归属法国。可以推测，拿破仑时代，法国人是排斥科西嘉人的。译者注）。然而，这类人还不是最好的例子，因为他们从名欲中得到巨大的满足。最单纯的例子是幕后操纵者——皇帝宝座后从未公开现身的掌权者。他们仅仅是窃喜：“这些傀儡们如何能知道谁在暗中操刀”。从1890年到1906，荷斯坦男爵（Baron Holstein）操纵德意志帝国的外交政策。他将这种角色演绎到极致。他住破旧的居所；从未在社会场合露面；他回避觐见帝国皇帝，仅有的一次例外是因为皇帝的盛情难却；他拒绝所有参加庭审的邀请，理由是他没有法袍。他获取一些机密，然后以此要挟总理及皇帝的很多心腹。他借助要挟手段，不是用来攫取财富，名誉，或者其它任何显眼的利益，而仅仅是为了强迫当权者采纳他喜欢的外交政策。在东方国家，类似的人物在太监当中绝非鲜见。

接下来我谈谈其它欲望。虽然在某种意义上，它们的重要性不如我们以上所述的几种欲望，但仍然很重要。第一种是追求刺激。人类相比动物的优越处在于人类有体验无聊的能力。尽管如此，在动物园观察猩猩时，我有时认为它们也表现出初级的无聊情绪。即使如此，经验表明摆脱无聊几乎是所有人具备的一种极其强大的能力。当白人最初与未开化的野人接触时，前者给他们各种赠品，从福音书到南瓜饼。然而，结果令人很失望，多数野人对各种物品无动于衷。在给他们带去的这些东西当中，他们最看重酒——他们生平第一次喝酒，出现幻觉的若干片刻让他们体验到真是赖生比不如好死（*注3）。印第安人在未受白人侵扰之前有抽烟斗的习惯，不像我们这样安然舒缓，而是歇斯底里，吸入太多烟雾以致陷入昏迷状态。当尼古丁不能给他们刺激时，某位热爱本部落的说客会鼓动他们进攻相邻部落，如此他们可以获得相当于我们赛马或举行大选（这些活动与我们的志趣相符）的乐趣。赌博的乐趣几乎全在于享受刺激。Monsieur Huc（于克神父，法国传教士，1844－1846年到中国和西藏旅行——译者注）如此描写冬天聚集在长城上的中国商人：豪赌，直至输尽所有现金；然后，把所有商品输光；最后输光衣服，赤身裸体，等着被冻死。我认为，如同土著印第安人，文明人追求刺激主要表现为——战争爆发时，众人欢呼雀跃。这种情绪同样也在足球比赛中产生，虽然后果有时有点更严重。

确定人们为何追求刺激的根源并非易事。我想说我们的思维所适应的阶段仍然是人类狩猎为生的时期。当男人一整天都拿着原始的武器在守猎一只鹿作晚餐；最后，到了晚上，他拖着打死的猎物胜利的回到洞穴。他躺下来，满身疲惫，但心满意足；同时，他妻子剖洗猎物，煮肉。他昏昏欲睡，身体骨骼作痛，烹饪的香味飘进他意识的每个缝隙。最后，吃完晚饭，他酣然入睡。在这种生活里，没有时间也没有精力感觉无聊。但是，当他转入农业后，他吩咐妻子做地里的一切重活。这样，他就有暇顾及人生的功名，编创神话，构建哲学体系，及梦想来世在Valhalla（瓦尔哈拉，斯堪的纳维亚中神Odin（奥丁）的广袤庄园，里面有珍禽异兽，金碧辉煌的宫殿。译者注）乐此不疲地狩猎野猪。我们的思维与繁重的体力劳动相适应。年轻时，我经常把假期花在徒步旅游中。我每天走25英里（合40.25千米）。到晚上，能坐下休息我就很满足了，所以根本无须打发无聊。但是，现代人不能按照这些重体力方式而生活。大量的工作都是静态的，大多数的手工劳动仅需若干特定的肌肉组织参与。当年（未提及时间，具体事件亦不详。译者注）群众齐集Trafalgar Square（特拉法加广场，位于伦敦市中心）欢庆政府的杀戮决定，但如果那天所有人都步行了25英里，那么他们（群众）就不会如此狂热了。但是，用这种方法来医治人们的好战性是不可行的。如果人类要克服好战性（或许它对人类是不利的），必须寻求其他发泄方式——将过剩的体能以无害的方式发泄出来，以获得刺激。这是道德家和社会改革者两者都很少考虑到的问题。然而，道德家为一些大众认可的用来寻求刺激的发泄方式深深担忧。他们认为，（发泄行为的）严重性堪称罪孽。让人难以置信的是，（道德家称，）舞厅，电影院，当代（指演说发表时，1950年前后。译者注）的爵士乐，这些都是通往地狱之路，我们最好是端坐家中反思我们的罪过。我本人很难完全同意这些正经人士的箴言。魔鬼能变换出很多花招，有些用来骗年轻人，有些用来骗老人和正经者。如果引诱年轻人享乐的是魔鬼，那么唆使老人指责年轻人享乐的黑手难道就不可能仍然是它？难道指责就不可能仅仅是适合老人的一种刺激方式? 难道这不像鸦片，随吸食时间变长，得逐渐加大剂量才能达到一定的刺激作用？从担心电影院的罪恶开始，我们逐渐被教化到谴责反对政党，西班牙裔，意大利裔，亚裔，总之除我们群体成员之外其他任何人——难道我们就不应该担心这种情况的出现？就是从这些谴责的滋生到流传，战争因此爆发。我未曾听说过舞厅直接演变成战场。

What is serious about excitement is that so many of its forms are destructive. It is destructive in those who cannot resist excess in alcohol or gambling. It is destructive when it takes the form of mob violence. And above all it is destructive when it leads to war. It is so deep a need that it will find harmful outlets of this kind unless innocent outlets are at hand. There are such innocent outlets at present in sport, and in politics so long as it is kept within constitutional bounds. But these are not sufficient, especially as the kind of politics that is most exciting is also the kind that does most harm. Civilized life has grown altogether too tame, and, if it is to be stable, it must provide harmless outlets for the impulses which our remote ancestors satisfied in hunting. In Australia, where people are few and rabbits are many, I watched a whole populace satisfying the primitive impulse in the primitive manner by the skillful slaughter of many thousands of rabbits. But in London or New York some other means must be found to gratify primitive impulse. I think every big town should contain artificial waterfalls that people could descend in very fragile canoes, and they should contain bathing pools full of mechanical sharks. Any person found advocating a preventive war should be condemned to two hours a day with these ingenious monsters. More seriously, pains should be taken to provide constructive outlets for the love of excitement. Nothing in the world is more exciting than a moment of sudden discovery or invention, and many more people are capable of experiencing such moments than is sometimes thought.

刺激的严重性在于它的很多方式都是破坏性的。酗酒或者迷恋赌博是破坏性的表现之一。群体暴力也是破坏性的表现。与以上两种情况相比，战争是更大的恶果。追求刺激的欲望是如此之盛，除非能找到无害的发泄方式，否者我们就会诉诸破坏性的方式。体育和政治中可找到无害的发泄方式，但前提是不违背法律。但这些还不够，尤其因为最刺激的政治同时也是最危险的。文明生活已经过于温驯。但是，如果要保持（社会）稳定，必须为人们的冲动提供无害的发泄方式——我们的远祖在狩猎当中获得这种满足。在澳大利亚，居民少而兔子多。我见过那里的一个种族，所有人都用一种原始的方式——屠杀成千上万只兔子，以满足这种原始的冲动。但是，在伦敦或者纽约，必须寻找其他方式来满足这种原始的冲动。我认为每个大城市都应该修建一些人工瀑布，人们可以乘脆弱的独木舟漂流而下；也应该建一些布满机械鲨（仿造结构，外形酷像鲨鱼。译者注）的游泳池。如果发现谁主张先发制人的战争，就应该将他每天放在泳池与这些怪物共泡两个小时。如有甚者，为满足他们追求刺激的欲望，应该将一定的体罚作为给他们的改善性的发泄方式。天底下没有比突然发现或发明一项新事物更刺激的事了——出乎人们意料的是，越来越多的人能够享受这种刺激时刻。

Interwoven with many other political motives are two closely related passions to which human beings are regrettably prone: I mean fear and hate. It is normal to hate what we fear, and it happens frequently, though not always, that we fear what we hate. I think it may be taken as the rule among primitive men, that they both fear and hate whatever is unfamiliar. They have their own herd, originally a very small one. And within one herd, all are friends, unless there is some special ground of enmity. Other herds are potential or actual enemies; a single member of one of them who strays by accident will be killed. An alien herd as a whole will be avoided or fought according to circumstances. It is this primitive mechanism which still controls our instinctive reaction to foreign nations. The completely untravelled person will view all foreigners as the savage regards a member of another herd. But the man who has travelled, or who has studied international politics, will have discovered that, if his herd is to prosper, it must, to some degree, become amalgamated with other herds. If you are English and someone says to you, ?The French are your brothers?, your first instinctive feeling will be, ?Nonsense. They shrug their shoulders, and talk French. And I am even told that they eat frogs.? If he explains to you that we may have to fight the Russians, that, if so, it will be desirable to defend the line of the Rhine, and that, if the line of the Rhine is to be defended, the help of the French is essential, you will begin to see what he means when he says that the French are your brothers. But if some fellow-traveller were to go on to say that the Russians also are your brothers, he would be unable to persuade you, unless he could show that we are in danger from the Martians. We love those who hate our enemies, and if we had no enemies there would be very few people whom we should love.

有两种情感与其它很多政治动机相联系。即恐惧和仇恨，两者密不可分。遗憾的是，人们很容易染上这两种情绪。通常对于惧怕的事物，我们会产生仇恨。同时，经常发生但并非总如此的情况是：对于仇恨的事物，我们感到恐惧。我认为有一条规律对原始人可能通用：他们对不熟悉的事物既害怕又仇恨。他们有自己的部落，起初非常小。在部落里，除非有特殊的过节，一般而言大家都是朋友。其它部落则是潜在或者实际的敌人。若有其它部落的人员偶然误入本部落的领地，其将会被杀。总的来说，视情况而定，他们会选择回避外族部落或者与之战斗。我们对于外国人的本能反应仍然受这种原始动机的支配。对完全没有游历经验的人而言，他们对外国人的看法如同对待外族部落人员。而对于曾经游历或者研究过国际政治的人说，他们就会发现如果一个部落要发展，她必须与其它部落实现某种程度的融合。如果你是英国人，某人对你说“法国人是你兄弟”，你的第一本能感觉是，“胡说。他们爱耸肩，说法语。我甚至听说他们爱吃蛤蟆。”如果他向你解释说：我们得抵抗俄国人，这样一来，我们得保卫莱茵河防线（借指东德、西德的分界线。译者注），然后争取法国人的帮助也至关重要。那么你开始明白为什么他说法国人是你兄弟。但是，如果某位同仁接着说俄国人也是你的兄弟，那他就很难说服你，除非他能证明火星人要来攻打我们。敌人的敌人是我们的朋友；如果没有敌人，我们几乎就不会爱谁了。

All this, however, is only true so long as we are concerned solely with attitudes towards other human beings. You might regard the soil as your enemy because it yields reluctantly a niggardly subsistence. You might regard Mother Nature in general as your enemy, and envisage human life as a struggle to get the better of Mother Nature. If men viewed life in this way, cooperation of the whole human race would become easy. And men could easily be brought to view life in this way if schools, newspapers, and politicians devoted themselves to this end. But schools are out to teach patriotism; newspapers are out to stir up excitement; and politicians are out to get re-elected. None of the three, therefore, can do anything towards saving the human race from reciprocal suicide.

然而，所有这些情感只适用于人们对他人的态度方面。因为土地吝啬给人类的食粮，你或许将它视为敌人。 你或许把自然母亲看作敌人，认为人类生活是与自然母亲的斗争。如果人们这样看待生活，则很容易实现人类的大团结。如果学校，报纸及政客们以此（人类的大团结）作为目标，则人们很容易就有这种生活理念。但是，学校教的是爱国主义；报纸在制造刺激；政客们一心只想赢得连任选举。所以，此三者无法将人类从自相残杀之中解救出来。

There are two ways of coping with fear: one is to diminish the external danger, and the other is to cultivate Stoic endurance. The latter can be reinforced, except where immediate action is necessary, by turning our thoughts away from the cause of fear. The conquest of fear is of very great importance. Fear is in itself degrading; it easily becomes an obsession; it produces hate of that which is feared, and it leads headlong to excesses of cruelty. Nothing has so beneficent an effect on human beings as security. If an international system could be established which would remove the fear of war, the improvement in everyday mentality of everyday people would be enormous and very rapid. Fear, at present, overshadows the world. The atom bomb and the bacterial bomb, wielded by the wicked communist or the wicked capitalist as the case may be, make Washington and the Kremlin tremble, and drive men further along the road toward the abyss. If matters are to improve, the first and essential step is to find a way of diminishing fear. The world at present is obsessed by the conflict of rival ideologies, and one of the apparent causes of conflict is the desire for the victory of our own ideology and the defeat of the other. I do not think that the fundamental motive here has much to do with ideologies. I think the ideologies are merely a way of grouping people, and that the passions involved are merely those which always arise between rival groups. There are, of course, various reasons for hating communists. First and foremost, we believe that they wish to take away our property. But so do burglars, and although we disapprove of burglars our attitude towards them is very different indeed from our attitude towards communists - chiefly because they do not inspire the same degree of fear. Secondly, we hate the communists because they are irreligious. But the Chinese have been irreligious since the eleventh century, and we only began to hate them when they turned out Chiang Kai-shek. Thirdly, we hate the communists because they do not believe in democracy, but we consider this no reason for hating Franco. Fourthly, we hate them because they do not allow liberty; this we feel so strongly that we have decided to imitate them. It is obvious that none of these is the real ground for our hatred. We hate them because we fear them and they threaten us. If the Russians still adhered to the Greek Orthodox religion, if they had instituted parliamentary government, and if they had a completely free press which daily vituperated us, then - provided they still had armed forces as powerful as they have now - we should still hate them if they gave us ground for thinking them hostile. There is, of course, the odium theologicum, and it can be a cause of enmity. But I think that this is an offshoot of herd feeling: the man who has a different theology feels strange, and whatever is strange must be dangerous. Ideologies, in fact, are one of the methods by which herds are created, and the psychology is much the same however the herd may have been generated.

有两种应对恐惧的办法：一种是减少外部危险，另一种是提高承受力。除需要立即采取行动的情况外，可通过将注意力从我们畏惧的事物转移的方法来提高承受力。战胜恐惧的意义重大。畏惧本身就是羞愧的事；它很容易演变成恐惧症。它引起人们对所畏惧事物的仇恨，并且引发过度冷酷的情绪。没有什么比安全感更能让人类焕发善意。如果能建立一个可以消除战患的国际体制，将极大、极快地提升人们的日常精神状态。当前，恐惧笼罩世界。邪恶的资本家或共产主义分子手中的原子弹和细菌弹让华盛顿及克里姆林宫颤抖，将人们在通往地狱之路上越推越远。如要使情况改善，首先要做的也是最关键的一步是找到消除恐惧的方法。当今世界陷入意识形态之争而不能自拔。导致纷争的表层原因之一是我方的意识形态一定要压倒他方。我认为，此处争端的基本动机与意识形态并无重要关系。我以为，意识形态仅仅是人们组建群体的一种途径。敌对群体之间总会出现摩擦，而意识形态之争的双方表现出的激情不过与此相同。当然，仇恨共产主义者原因有多种。首先也是最重要的是，我们确信他们想夺走我们的财产。但是，窃贼也会如此。虽然我们谴责窃贼，但我们对其态度的确与对待共产主义者截然不同。主要原因是：我们对窃贼没有感到如此恐惧。其次是：共产主义者不信宗教，所以我们仇视他们。但是，从十一世纪开始，中国人就不信宗教了。但是我们到了蒋介石时代才开始恨他们（*注4）。第三，共产主义者不信民主，所以我们恨他们。但是，我们不把这点作为恨Franco（佛朗哥，西班牙军事独裁者，从1936年直至他1975年死于任上，对西班牙政治有巨大影响。译者注）的理由。第四，因为共产主义者限制人们的自由，我们恨他们——在这一点上我们受他们影响如此之深，以致我们已经决定仿效他们。显然，所有这些都不是我们产生仇恨的真正原因。因为畏惧他们，感觉他们有威胁，所以我们恨他们。如果俄国人仍然信奉正教会，如果他们实行议会制，并且如果他们有完全自由的新闻界——每天都诽谤我们；那么，只要他们的军力还像现在这么强大，一旦他们委于我们口实，我们仍然会仇视他们。当然，有一种神学仇恨，它可能引发敌意。但我认为这是群体情绪的一个分支：我们认为，所持神学观点与我们不同的人很怪异；而任何怪异的事物一定是危险的。实际上，意识形态是组成群体的一种途径。无论组成怎样的群体，隐含的都是同一心理作用（即两种主要的群体情绪：恐惧和仇恨。译者注）。

You may have been feeling that I have allowed only for bad motives, or, at best, such as are ethically neutral. I am afraid they are, as a rule, more powerful than more altruistic motives, but I do not deny that altruistic motives exist, and may, on occasion, be effective. The agitation against slavery in England in the early nineteenth century was indubitably altruistic, and was thoroughly effective. Its altruism was proved by the fact that in 1833 British taxpayers paid many millions in compensation to Jamaican landowners for the liberation of their slaves, and also by the fact that at the Congress of Vienna the British Government was prepared to make important concessions with a view to inducing other nations to abandon the slave trade. This is an instance from the past, but present-day America has afforded instances equally remarkable. I will not, however, go into these, as I do not wish to become embarked in current controversies.

你可能已经觉察到我讨论的都是些坏动机，或者从道德方面说，充其量是中性的。我想，通常而言，这些动机虽然强大，但绝非无私。我不是否定无私动机的存在。在有些场合，无私动机可能取得成效。19实际早期英国的反奴隶制运动无疑是无私的，并且有巨大成效。1833年，英国纳税国民慷慨解囊，为解放牙买加的奴隶付给当地庄园主的赔偿金以百万英镑计。同样，在维也纳会议上（1814－1815），英国政府为了鼓励其他国家废除奴隶贸易，愿意作出重要让步。这些是过去的例子，但现在美国做出了若干同样显著的（无私）举动。然而，我不会深入讨论这些，我不想介入当下的争议。

I do not think it can be questioned that sympathy is a genuine motive, and that some people at some times are made somewhat uncomfortable by the sufferings of some other people. It is sympathy that has produced the many humanitarian advances of the last hundred years. We are shocked when we hear stories ofthe ill-treatment of lunatics, and there are now quite a number of asylums in which they are not ill-treated. Prisoners in Western countries are not supposed to be tortured, and when they are, there is an outcry if the facts are discovered. We do not approve of treating orphans as they are treated in Oliver Twist. Protestant countries disapprove of cruelty to animals. In all these ways sympathy has been politically effective. If the fear of war were removed, its effectiveness would become much greater. Perhaps the best hope for the future of mankind is that ways will be found of increasing the scope and intensity of sympathy.

我认为同情作为一种真实存在的动机是不容置疑的。有些人在有些时候看到他人遭受痛苦时会感到不安。在过去的几个世纪，同情心推动了很多人性之举。我们听说精神病患者受到虐待时会感到震惊；现在有了很多精神病医院，在那里他们不会遭受虐待。在西方国家，囚犯不应该受到虐待；如果囚犯受到虐待，一旦发现，就会引发强烈的抗议。我们不允许孤儿受到《Oliver Twist》（雾都孤儿，英国作家狄更斯于1838年出版的写实小说。译者注）中所描述的虐待。信奉新教的国家不允许虐待动物。所有这些例子说明了同情心有效地影响了政治。如果没有战患，同情心的效力将大大增强。也许对人类未来最好的希望应寄寓在：寻找提升人类同情心广度及力度的方法。

The time has come to sum up our discussion. Politics is concerned with herds rather than with individuals, and the passions which are important in politics are, therefore, those in which the various members of a given herd can feel alike. The broad instinctive mechanism upon which political edifices have to be built is one of cooperation within the herd and hostility towards other herds. The co-operation within the herd is never perfect. There are members who do not conform, who are, in the etymological sense, ?egregious?, that is to say, outside the flock. These members are those who have fallen below, or risen above, the ordinary level. They are: idiots, criminals, prophets, and discoverers. A wise herd will learn to tolerate the eccentricity of those who rise above the average, and to treat with a minimum of ferocity those who fall below it.

是时候总结一下我们的讨论了。政治更加关注群体，而不是个人。因此，政治生活中重要的激情是：让群体的不同成员都产生共鸣的情绪。政治阵营建立在一个广泛的本能机制上：即群体内部成员作互相协作，而对其它群体保持敌对。群体内部协作绝非完美。存在不遵循规则的成员，即不合群或者害群之马。这些人低于或超过一般标准。他们当中有：愚人，罪犯，先知，及发明家。明智的群体会学着包容那些过人之士的怪异之处，同时，将对待低能者的残忍降到最低。

As regards relations to other herds, modern technique has produced a conflict between self-interest and instinct. In old days, when two tribes went to war, one of them exterminated the other, and annexed its territory. From the point of view of the victor, the whole operation was thoroughly satisfactory. The killing was not at all expensive, and the excitement was agreeable. It is not to be wondered at that, in such circumstances, war persisted. Unfortunately, we still have the emotions appropriate to such primitive warfare, while the actual operations of war have changed completely. Killing an enemy in a modern war is a very expensive operation. If you consider how many Germans were killed in the late war, and how much the victors are paying in income tax, you can, by a sum in long division, discover the cost of a dead German, and you will find it considerable. In the East, it is true, the enemies of the Germans have secured the ancient advantages of turning out the defeated population and occupying their lands. The Western victors, however, have secured no such advantages. It is obvious that modern war is not good business from a financial point of view. Although we won both the world wars, we should now be much richer if they had not occured. If men were actuated by self-interest, which they are not - except in the case of a few saints - the whole human race would cooperate. There would be no more wars, no more armies, no more navies, no more atom bombs. There would not be armies of propagandists employed in poisoning the minds of Nation A against Nation B, and reciprocally of Nation B against Nation A. There would not be armies of officials at frontiers to prevent the entry of foreign books and foreign ideas, however excellent in themselves. There would not be customs barriers to ensure the existence of many small enterprises where one big enterprise would be more economic. All this would happen very quickly if men desired their own happiness as ardently as they desired the misery of their neighbours. But, you will tell me, what is the use of these utopian dreams ? Moralists will see to it that we do not become wholly selfish, and until we do the millenium will be impossible.

至于与其他群体的关系，现代技术在人类的自身利益和本能两者之间引发了冲突。古时候，如果两个部落打仗，一方会消灭另一方，然后吞并其领地。在胜利方看来，整次行动完全令人满意。杀戮的代价很低，刺激令人愉悦。难怪在如此情况下战争此起彼伏。不幸的是，当战争的实际背景已经完全改变了，我们仍然怀有与这种原始战争相匹配的情结。现代战争中，消灭一个敌人代价高昂。如果你考虑一下在刚过去的战争（指第二次世界大战，译者注）中有多少德国士兵丧生，战胜国的人民为此缴纳了多少税收，做长除法就可以得出每个丧生的德国士兵的代价。的确，在东方国家，德国的敌人灭绝战败方的人口，占领其土地（是否有历史依据，代考证。译者注），恰好是效仿古人获取战利。然而，西方战胜国未获此利。从经济方面考虑，现代战争显然不是一宗好生意。虽然我们赢了两次世界大战，但如果它们未曾发生的话，我们应该比现在富有多了。如果人们的行动服从自身利益——实际并非如此，除一些圣教徒之外，全人类都可以协作起来。再也不会有战争，陆军，海军，原子弹。不会有成群的鼓动者挑拨国家A与国家B的关系。不会有大大小小的官吏坐镇国界阻止国外书籍和思想的进入——无论它们本身是多么优秀。不会有边境海关保护众多小企业的利益——而大企业可能经济效率更高。如果人们对邻国（邻居，邻村，邻市等，译者注）诅咒之深恰如他们对自身幸福追求之热切，所以这些事物（战争，陆军，海军，原子弹，鼓动者，文化督查，海关等。译者注）就会如雨后春笋般地出现。但是，请告诉我，这些乌托邦的梦想有什么用呢？道德家会监督我们不要变得完全自私自利；等到我们变成那样时，恐怕已是千年之后。

I do not wish to seem to end upon a note of cynicism. I do not deny that there are better things than selfishness, and that some people achieve these things. I maintain, however, on the one hand, that there are few occasions upon which large bodies of men, such as politics is concerned with, can rise above selfishness, while, on the other hand, there are a very great many circumstances in which populations will fall below selfishness, if selfishness is interpreted as enlightened self-interest.

我不希望以这种玩世不恭的言论作为演讲的结尾。我不否认有比自私更高贵的东西——有些人可取得它们。但是，一方面，我得说，对于硕大的人群而言，比如政党，他们很少能超越自私。另一方面，如果说自私可理解有觉悟地追逐自身利益，那么在太多太多的情况下，人们都可归入自私一类。

And among those occasions on which people fall below self-interest are most of the occasions on which they are convinced that they are acting from idealistic motives. Much that passes as idealism is disguised hatred or disguised love of power. When you see large masses of men swayed by what appear to be noble motives, it is as well to look below the surface and ask yourself what it is that makes these motives effective. It is partly because it is so easy to be taken in by a facade of nobility that a psychological inquiry, such as I have been attempting, is worth making. I would say, in conclusion, that if what I have said is right, the main thing needed to make the world happy is intelligence. And this, after all, is an optimistic conclusion, because intelligence is a thing that can be fostered by known methods of education.

可将人们归为自私一类的情况大都是：他们坚信自己在为理想行动。很多情况下，理想是仇恨与权欲的伪装。当你看到群众被一些看似崇高的动机所鼓动时，也应该由表及里，问自己：究竟是什么力量赋予这些动机如此大的影响？其中一个原因是：人们很容易被高尚的假象蒙骗——这种现象值得我们从心理学方面深入探究；此刻，我就在尝试这种做法。总而言之，我想说，如果我所有说的有道理，那么要让世界更幸福，最需要的就是智力。毕竟，这是一个乐观的结论，因为智力这种品质可通过已知教育手段来提高。

From Nobel Lectures, Literature 1901-1967, Editor Horst Frenz, Elsevier Publishing Company, Amsterdam, 1969  

选自Nobel Lectures（诺贝尔演讲），1901-1967文献。编辑: Horst Frenz
出版社：Elsevier Publishing Company, Amsterdam, 1969