西京医院咖马刀手术:高中语文（旧版－－人教版）第一册 第二、三单元

第二单元
5．荷塘月色…………………………………………朱自清
6．我的空中楼阁……………………………………李乐薇
7．*我与地坛（节选）…………………………… 史铁生
8．*花未眠……………………………………… 川端康成
   散文的艺术魅力…………………………………佘树森

第三单元
9．在马克思墓前的讲话…………………………………恩格斯

3月14日下午两点三刻，当代最伟大的思想家停止思想了。让他一个人留在房间里不过两分钟，等我们再进去的时候，便发现他在安乐椅上安静地睡着了---但已经是永远地睡着了。

　　这个人的逝世，对于欧美战斗着的无产阶级，对于历史科学，都是不可估量的损失。这位巨人逝世以后所形成的空白，不久就会使人感觉到。

　　正像达尔文发现有机界的发展规律一样，马克思发现了人类历史的发展规律，即历来为纷繁芜杂的意识形态所掩盖着的一个简单事实：人们首先必须吃、喝、住、穿，然后才能从事政治、科学、艺术、宗教等等。所以，直接的物质的生活资料的生产，从而一个民族或一个时代的一定的经济发展阶段，便构成基础；人们的国家制度，法的观点，艺术以至宗教观念，就是从这个基础上发展起来的。因而，也必须由这个基础来解释，而不是像过去那样做得相反。

　　不仅如此。马克思还发现了现代资本主义生产方式和它所产生的资产阶级社会的特殊的运动规律。由于剩余价值的发现，这里就豁然开朗了，而先前无论资产阶级经济学家或社会主义批评家所做的一切都只是在黑暗中摸索。

　　一生中能有这样两个发现，该是很够了，即使只要能作出一个这样的发现，也已经是幸福的了。但马克思在他所研究的每一个领域（甚至在数学领域）都有独到的发现，这样的领域是很多的，而且其中任何一个领域他都不是肤浅地研究的。

　　他作为科学家就是这样。但是这在他身上远不是主要的。在马克思看来，科学是一种在历史上起推动作用的、革命的力量。任何一门理论科学中的每一个新发现，即使它的实际应用也许还无法预见——都使马克思感到衷心喜悦。但是当有了立即会对工业、对一般历史发展产生革命影响的发现的时候，他的喜悦就完全不同了。例如，他曾经密切地注意电学方面各种发现的发展情况，不久以前，他还注意了马赛尔·德普勒的发现。

　　因为马克思首先是一个革命家。他毕生的真正使命,就是以这种或那种方式参加推翻资本主义社会及其所建立的国家设施的事业，参加现代无产阶级的解放事业,正是他第一次使现代无产阶级意识到自身的地位和需要,意识到自身解放的条件，---这实际上就是他毕生的使命。斗争是他的生命要素。很少有人像他那样满腔热情、坚韧不拔和卓有成效地进行斗争。最早的《莱因报》（1842年），巴黎的《前进报》（1844年），《德意志－布鲁塞尔报》（1847年），《新莱茵报》（1848－1849年），《纽约每日论坛报》（1852－1861年），以及许多富有战斗性的小册子，在巴黎、布鲁塞尔和伦敦各组织中的工作，最后，作为全部活动的顶峰，创立伟大的国际工人协会，－－老实说，协会的这位创始人即使别的什么也没有做，也可以为这一结果自豪。

　　正因为这样，所以马克思是当代最遭忌恨和最受诬蔑的人。各国政府---无论专制或共和政府---都驱逐他；资产者--无论保守派或极端民主派---都竞相诽谤他，诅咒他。他对这一切毫不在意，把它们当作蛛丝一样轻轻抹去，只是在万分必要时才给予答复。现在他逝世了，在整个欧洲和美洲，从西伯利亚矿井到加利福尼亚，千百万革命战友无不对他表示尊敬、爱戴和悼念。而我敢大胆地说:他可能有过许多敌人，但未必有一个私敌。

他的英名和事业将永垂不朽！

恩格斯写于1883年

On the 14th of March, at a quarter to threein the afternoon, the greatest living thinker ceased to think. He had been leftalone for scarcely two minutes, and when we came back we found him in hisarmchair, peacefully gone to sleep-but forever.

　　An immeasurable loss has been sustainedboth by the militant proletariat of Europe and America, and by historical science,in the death of this man. The gap that has been left by the departure of thismighty spirit will soon enough make itself felt.

　　Just as Darwin discovered the law ofdevelopment of organic nature, so Marx discovered the law of development ofhuman history: the simple fact, hitherto concealed by an overgrowth of ideology,that mankind must first of all eat, drink, have shelter and clothing, before itcan pursue politics, science, art, religion, etc.; that therefore theproduction of the immediate material means of subsistence and consequently thedegree of economic development attained by a given people or during a givenepoch form the foundation upon which the state institutions, the legalconceptions, art, and even the ideas on religion, of the people concerned havebeen evolved, and in the light of which they must, therefore, be explained,instead of vice versa, as had hitherto been the case.

　　But that is not all. Marx also discoveredthe special law of motion governing the present-day capitalist mode ofproduction and the bourgeois society that this mode of production has created.The discovery of surplus value suddenly threw light on the problem, in tryingto solve which all previous investigations, of both bourgeois economists andsocialist critics, had been groping in the dark.

　　Two such discoveries would be enough forone lifetime. Happy the man to whom it is granted to make even one suchdiscovery. But in every single field which Marx investigated -- and heinvestigated very many fields, none of them superficially -- in every field,even in that of mathematics, he made independent discoveries.

　　Such was the man of science. But this wasnot even half the man. Science was for Marx a historically dynamic,revolutionary force. However great the joy with which he welcomed a newdiscovery in some theoretical science whose practical application perhaps itwas as yet quite impossible to envisage, he experienced quite another kind ofjoy when the discovery involved immediate revolutionary changes in industry andin historical development in general. For example, he followed closely thedevelopment of the discoveries made in the field of electricity and recentlythose of Marcel Deprez.

　　For Marx was before all else arevolutionist. His real mission in life was to contribute, in one way oranother, to the overthrow of capitalist society and of the state institutionswhich it had brought into being, to contribute to the liberation of the modernproletariat, which he was the first to make conscious of its own position andits needs, conscious of the conditions of its emancipation. Fighting was hiselement. And he fought with a passion, a tenacity and a success such as fewcould rival. His work on the first Rheinische Zeitung (1842), the ParisVorw?rts! (1844), Br?sseler Deutsche Zeitung (1847), the Neue RheinischeZeitung (1848-49), the New York Tribune (1852-61), and in addition to these ahost of militant pamphlets, work in organisations in Paris, Brussels andLondon, and finally, crowning all, the formation of the great InternationalWorking Men's Association -- this was indeed an achievement of which itsfounder might well have been proud even if he had done nothing else.

　　And, consequently, Marx was the best-hatedand most calumniated man of his time. Governments, both absolutist andrepublican, deported him from their territories. Bourgeois, whetherconservative or ultra-democratic, vied with one another in heaping slandersupon him. All this he brushed aside as though it were cobweb, ignoring it,answering only when extreme necessity compelled him. And he died beloved, reveredand mourned by millions of revolutionary fellow-workers -- from the mines ofSiberia to California, in all parts of Europe and America -- and I make bold tosay that though he may have had many opponents he had hardly one personalenemy.

　　His name will endure through the ages, andso also will his work!

10．我有一个梦想…………………………… 马丁·路德·金

今天，我高兴地同大家一起，参加这次将成为我国历史上为了争取自由而举行的最伟大的示威集会。100年前，一位伟大的美国人——今天我们就站在他象征性的身影下——签署了《解放宣言》。这项重要法令的颁布，对于千百万灼烤于非正义残焰中的黑奴，犹如带来希望之光的硕大灯塔，恰似结束漫漫长夜禁锢的欢畅黎明。然而，100年后，黑人依然没有获得自由。100年后，黑人依然悲惨地蹒跚于种族隔离和种族歧视的枷锁之下。100年后，黑人依然生活在物质繁荣翰海的贫困孤岛上。100年后，黑人依然在美国社会中向隅而泣，依然感到自己在国土家园中流离漂泊。所以，我们今天来到这里，要把这骇人听闻的情况公诸于众。从某种意义上说，我们来到国家的首都是为了兑现一张支票。我们共和国的缔造者在拟写宪法和独立宣言的辉煌篇章时，就签署了一张每一个美国人都能继承的期票。这张期票向所有人承诺——不论白人还是黑人——都享有不可侵犯的生存权、自由权和追求幸福权。然而，今天美国显然对她的有色公民拖欠着这张期票。美国没有承兑这笔神圣的债务，而是开始给黑人一张空头支票——一张盖着“资金不足”的印戳被退回的支票。但是，我们决不相信正义的银行会破产。我们决不相信这个国家巨大的机会宝库会资金不足。因此，我们来兑现这张支票。这张支票将给我们以宝贵的自由和正义的保障。我们来到这块圣地还为了提醒美国：现在正是万分紧急的时刻。现在不是从容不迫悠然行事或服用渐进主义镇静剂的时候。现在是实现民主诺言的时候。现在是走出幽暗荒凉的种族隔离深谷，踏上种族平等的阳关大道的时候。现在是使我们国家走出种族不平等的流沙，踏上充满手足之情的磐石的时候。现在是使上帝所有孩子真正享有公正的时候。忽视这一时刻的紧迫性，对于国家将会是致命的。自由平等的朗朗秋日不到来，黑人顺情合理哀怨的酷暑就不会过去。1963年不是一个结束，而是一个开端。如果国家依然我行我素，那些希望黑人只需出出气就会心满意足的人将大失所望。在黑人得到公民权之前，美国既不会安宁，也不会平静。反抗的旋风将继续震撼我们国家的基石，直至光辉灿烂的正义之日来临。但是，对于站在通向正义之宫艰险门槛上的人们，有一些话我必须要说。在我们争取合法地位的过程中，切不要错误行事导致犯罪。我们切不要吞饮仇恨辛酸的苦酒，来解除对于自由的饮渴。我们应该永远得体地、纪律严明地进行斗争。我们不能容许我们富有创造性的抗议沦为暴力行动。我们应该不断升华到用灵魂力量对付肉体力量的崇高境界。席卷黑人社会的新的奇迹般的战斗精神，不应导致我们对所有白人的不信任--因为许多白人兄弟已经认识到：他们的命运同我们的命运紧密相连，他们的自由同我们的自由休戚相关。他们今天来到这里参加集会就是明证。我们不能单独行动。当我们行动时，我们必须保证勇往直前。我们不能后退。有人问热心民权运动的人："你们什么时候会感到满意？"只要黑人依然是不堪形容的警察暴行恐怖的牺牲品，我们就决不会满意。只要我们在旅途劳顿后，却被公路旁汽车游客旅社和城市旅馆拒之门外，我们就决不会满意。只要黑人的基本活动范围只限于从狭小的黑人居住区到较大的黑人居住区，我们就决不会满意。只要我们的孩子被"仅供白人"的牌子剥夺个性，损毁尊严，我们就决不会满意。只要密西西比州的黑人不能参加选举，纽约州的黑人认为他们与选举毫不相干，我们就决不会满意。不，不，我们不会满意，直至公正似水奔流，正义如泉喷涌。我并非没有注意到你们有些人历尽艰难困苦来到这里。你们有些人刚刚走出狭小的牢房。有些人来自因追求自由而遭受迫害风暴袭击和警察暴虐狂飙摧残的地区。你们饱经风霜，历尽苦难。继续努力吧，要相信：无辜受苦终得拯救。回到密西西比去吧；回到亚拉巴马去吧；回到南卡罗来纳去吧；回到佐治亚去吧；回到路易斯安那去吧；回到我们北方城市中的贫民窟和黑人居住区去吧。要知道，这种情况能够而且将会改变。我们切不要在绝望的深渊里沉沦。朋友们，今天我要对你们说，尽管眼下困难重重，但我依然怀有一个梦。这个梦深深植根于美国梦之中。我梦想有一天，这个国家将会奋起，实现其立国信条的真谛："我们认为这些真理不言而喻：人人生而平等。"我梦想有一天，在佐治亚洲的红色山岗上，昔日奴隶的儿子能够同昔日奴隶主的儿子同席而坐，亲如手足。我梦想有一天，甚至连密西西比州--一个非正义和压迫的热浪逼人的荒漠之州，也会改造成为自由和公正的青青绿洲。我梦想有一天，我的四个小女儿将生活在一个不是以皮肤的颜色，而是以品格的优劣作为评判标准的国家里。我今天怀有一个梦。我梦想有一天，亚拉巴马州会有所改变--尽管该州州长现在仍滔滔不绝地说什么要对联邦法令提出异议和拒绝执行--在那里，黑人儿童能够和白人儿童兄弟姐妹般地携手并行。我今天怀有一个梦。我梦想有一天，深谷弥合，高山夷平，歧路化坦途，曲径成通衢，上帝的光华再现，普天下生灵共谒。这是我们的希望。这是我将带回南方去的信念。有了这个信念，我们就能从绝望之山开采出希望之石。有了这个信念，我们就能把这个国家的嘈杂刺耳的争吵声，变为充满手足之情的悦耳交响曲。有了这个信念，我们就能一同工作，一同祈祷，一同斗争，一同入狱，一同维护自由，因为我们知道，我们终有一天会获得自由。到了这一天，上帝的所有孩子都能以新的含义高唱这首歌：我的祖国，可爱的自由之邦，我为您歌唱。这是我祖先终老的地方，这是早期移民自豪的地方，让自由之声，响彻每一座山岗。如果美国要成为伟大的国家，这一点必须实现。因此，让自由之声响彻新罕布什尔州的巍峨高峰！让自由之声响彻纽约州的崇山峻岭！让自由之声响彻宾夕法尼亚州的阿勒格尼高峰！让自由之声响彻科罗拉多州冰雪皑皑的洛基山！让自由之声响彻加利福尼亚州的婀娜群峰！不，不仅如此；让自由之声响彻佐治亚州的石山！让自由之声响彻田纳西州的望山！让自由之声响彻密西西比州的一座座山峰，一个个土丘！让自由之声响彻每一个山岗！当我们让自由之声轰响，当我们让自由之声响彻每一个大村小庄，每一个州府城镇，我们就能加速这一天的到来。那时，上帝的所有孩子，黑人和白人，犹太教徒和非犹太教徒，耶稣教徒和天主教徒，将能携手同唱那首古老的黑人灵歌："终于自由了！终于自由了！感谢全能的上帝，我们终于自由了！

I am happy to joinwith you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstrationfor freedom in the history of our nation.Five score years ago, a greatAmerican, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the EmancipationProclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope tomillions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of witheringinjustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of theircaptivity.But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundredyears later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles ofsegregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, theNegro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean ofmaterial prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished inthe corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. Andso we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.In a sense we've cometo our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republicwrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration ofIndependence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American wasto fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well aswhite men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of"Life, Libertyand the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on thispromissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead ofhonoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro peoplea bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficientfunds."But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. Werefuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults ofopportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check thatwill give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.Wehave also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency ofNow. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take thetranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises ofdemocracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley ofsegregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift ournation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock ofbrotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God'schildren.It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of themoment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will notpass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteensixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negroneeded to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening ifthe nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nortranquility in Americauntil the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revoltwill continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day ofjustice emerges.But there is something that I must say to my people, who standon the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process ofgaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us notseek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitternessand hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignityand discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate intophysical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights ofmeeting physical force with soul force.The marvelous new militancy which hasengulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all whitepeople, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence heretoday, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. Andthey have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to ourfreedom. We cannot walk alone.And as we walk, we must make the pledge that weshall always march ahead.We cannot turn back.There are those who are asking thedevotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can neverbe satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors ofpolice brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy withthe fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways andthe hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for whichto vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until"justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mightystream." I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of greattrials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells.And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom leftyou battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of policebrutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to workwith the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi,go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back toLouisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowingthat somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in thevalley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.And so even though we facethe difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dreamdeeply rooted in the American dream.I have a dream that one day this nationwill rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold thesetruths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."I have a dreamthat one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and thesons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table ofbrotherhood.I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a statesweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression,will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.I have a dream that myfour little children will one day live in a nation where they will not bejudged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I havea dream today!I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its viciousracists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of"interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right therein Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands withlittle white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.I have a dreamtoday!I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hilland mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and thecrooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall berevealed and all flesh shall see it together."? This is our hope, and thisis the faith that I go back to the South with.With this faith, we will be ableto hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we willbe able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautifulsymphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, topray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up forfreedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.And this will be the day-- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing withnew meaning: My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride, From everymountainside, let freedom ring! And if America is to be a great nation,this must become true. And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Letfreedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from theheightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania. Let freedom ring from the snow-cappedRockies of Colorado. Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California. But not onlythat: Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia. Let freedom ring fromLookout Mountain of Tennessee. Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill ofMississippi.From every mountainside, let freedom ring.And when this happens,when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and everyhamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that daywhen all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles,Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words ofthe old Negro spiritual: Free at last! free at last! Thank God Almighty, we arefree at last!
11．*在庆祝北京大学建校一百周年大会上的讲话……***
12．*我的呼吁……………………………………………史怀德