韩国综艺2016:中国的机遇:911带来了什么

来源:百度文库 编辑:九乡新闻网 时间:2024/03/29 01:25:30

  花了稍稍长的时间,北京才意识到美国的愤怒——以及布什先生关于集中国家过多的军事和经济力量在重塑中东的决定——为自己成为一个超级大国登上世界的舞台带来了很大的机遇。

Before Sept. 11, 2001, China was a secondary player, even in Beijing’s own backyard. When it tried to assert itself – as it did in 1996 by firing ballistic missiles over Taiwan in a ham-fisted attempt to influence presidential elections there – it was quickly forced to back down by Washington and its warships.

  在2001年9月11日以前,中国只是一个次要的参与者,即使是在北京自己的家门口。当它试图产生影响时——就像它在1996年用导弹攻击台湾这一笨拙举措试图影响台湾的总统大选那样——很快就因美国政府及其战舰的威慑下不得不让步。1

Ten years later, U.S. President Barack Obama – his military overstretched elsewhere, his government some $1.5-trillion in debt to Beijing, partly as a result of having to pay for the wars of the past decade – is left trying to convince Asians that his country is still willing and able to play its old role as the region’s policeman. Many now say the United States is in the process of being eclipsed by China, with its full coffers and growing military strength, as Asia’s dominant power.

  十年后,美国总统巴拉克奥巴马——他的军事力量过度扩张到了其它地方,他的政府欠了北京不止1.5万亿的债务,部分是不得不为过去十年的战争而支付——剩下的是试图使亚洲相信他的国家仍然愿意并依然有能力像以前一样做地区警察。很多都说,美国现在正被中国盖住风头,中国凭借着自己充足的资金和正逐步强大的军事力量成为了亚洲强国。1

The view from Beijing

北京的观点

“I think Sept. 11 was a tragedy for the U.S. and the whole world,” begins Yuan Peng, director of American Studies at the China Institutes of Contemporary International Relations, taking much the same line as Mr. Jiang did in his Sept. 12, 2001, letter to Mr. Bush. But then he turns to the consequences for his own country. “It made the U.S. start focusing on the Middle East rather than Asia-Pacific, which made China’s international environment less intensive than we expected, which was a good opportunity for China.”

  “我认为911事件对美国以及对全世界而言都是一场悲剧,” 中国现代国际关系研究院美国研究所所长袁鹏开始说,像蒋先生在2001年9月12日写信给小布什那样,采取了相同的路线。但随后他考虑到这对自己的国家的影响。“它让美国开始将注意力集中在中东而不是亚太地区,这使中国的国际环境没我们想的那么紧张,对中国而言也是一个机遇。”1

While running for office in 2000, Mr. Bush said he saw China as a “strategic competitor” rather than a “strategic partner,” the term his predecessor Bill Clinton preferred. The more adversarial assessment was backed up by a Pentagon study Mr. Bush commissioned shortly after assuming the presidency. But after Sept. 11, he reverted to the partner language, realizing he needed Beijing’s acquiescence, if not support, for the wars he planned to launch in Iraq and Afghanistan.

  在2000年的美国大选中,小布什说他将中国视为“战略对手”而不是前任总统克林顿任期期间更喜欢用的“战略伙伴”。更多对手的评估报告在小布什担任总统之后允许的一项五角大楼研究中得出。但是911过后,他回到了伙伴的用词上。因为意识到为了他将在伊拉克和阿富汗发动的战争,他需要得到北京的支持或者默许。


Among the benefits to China: the black-and-white, with-us-or-against-us language of the day allowed the ruling Communist Party to cast its long-standing confrontation with Muslim separatists in the western province of Xinjiang as a “terrorist” problem.

  在中国的利益之间:黑和白、支持我们或反对我们的时代语言,让处于统治地位的共产党着力解决其视之为“恐怖问题”的新疆西部回教徒分裂分子之间的长期对抗。

“Before Sept. 11, nobody noticed there were groups of a terrorist nature in Xinjiang, like the East Turkestan Movement,” said Mr. Yuan, whose institute is seen as affiliated with China’s Ministry of State Security. “[Afterwards] people in Washington gradually noticed they were part of the terrorist group, and that in China we have the same concerns as the U.S.” 

 “911之前,没有人注意到在新疆有那么一拨恐怖组织,像是东突厥斯坦伊斯兰运动”袁先生说,他的研究所被看作附属中国国防部。“美国政府逐步意识到他们是恐怖组织的一部分,在中国我们也有和美国一样的担忧”2


The United States made several mistakes in the after of Sept. 11 that facilitated China’s rise, Mr. Yuan observes, the Iraq war first and foremost.

And China?    

  美国在911之后犯了不少错误,更是促进了中国的地位提升,根据袁先生的观察,伊拉克问题是最早也是最严重的。

  那么中国呢?

“From the Chinese side, I don’t see any big mistakes. We seized the opportunity to improve our economy and improve our relations with our neighbours and improve our relations with the U.S.”

  “站在中国的立场,我没发现犯了什么大错。我们抓住了机会去改变我们的经济状况,我们与邻国的关系,以及和美国的关系。”

The view from Tokyo
  
If there was a moment that crystallized Beijing’s new heft in East Asia – and the corresponding loss of influence by Washington and its allies – it was the September, 2010, showdown between Japan and China over a smattering of uninhabited islets known as the Senkaku in Japanese and the Diaoyu in Chinese. A quarrel over the fate of a Chinese captain who rammed two Japanese patrol boats in the disputed waters escalated into a test of wills. First China called the Japanese ambassador on the carpet no less than five times. Then Beijing cancelled all government-to-government contacts and told Chinese tourists to avoid visiting Japan. 

  东京的观点1

   如果要具体出北京在东亚地位变重要的一个时间——同时相应的也是华盛顿和它的同盟国丧失影响力的时候——那就是2010年9月,日本和中国就少数无法居住的小岛如钓鱼岛问题进行摊牌的时候。一场关于在有争议的海域撞击了两艘日本巡逻船只的中国的渔船船长命运的争论, 升级到了对决心的考验。一开始中国责备了日本大使不少于五次。紧接着北京取消了所有政府间的接触,同时也告诉中国旅游者不再到日本去。

As the feud entered its third week, Beijing got serious, choking off exports of a natural resource – known as rare earths – key to Japan’s high-tech industry. Unwilling to fight a trade war with its giant neighbour, Tokyo blinked and gave into demands that the fisherman be allowed to return to China without facing charges.

  随着争执到了第三周,北京变得更认真了,中断了自然资源的出口,主要为稀土元素,这对日本的高科技产业很重要。因为不想与自己最大的邻国展开贸易战争,东京只能按要求允许渔民返回中国也无需面对罚款。

“The dispute over the Senkaku Islands was [a] typical example of China’s assertiveness in the region,” said Yuki Asaba, associate professor of international relations at Yamaguchi Prefectural University in Japan. “Its assertiveness hinges on ever-growing power in both absolute and relative terms over the last decade as the U.S. has been muddling through global defence posture review and military transformation in the wake of the lingering wars in Afghanistan and Iraq and the financial crisis it triggered.”

  “关于钓鱼岛的争论是一个典型的例子,说明了在该区域里中国的自信,”日本山口县立大学国际关系学教授Yuki Asaba说。“它的自信取决于过去十年里日益增长的绝对的和相对的力量,而同时美国正忙于应付全球防御情形和军事转变,以及随着而来的阿富汗和伊拉克战争和引起的经济危机。”

China’s official Xinhua news agency last week greeted newly appointed Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda with a broadside demanding that he “respect China’s core interests” – code for Beijing's territorial claims in the region. “The new Japanese government needs to start to appreciate the undisputed fact that a deeply troubled China-Japan relationship and dire mistrust would by no means serve the interests of either side, not to mention that of the region and the world as a whole.”

  中国官方新闻机构新华社上周对新上任的日本新任首相野田佳彦表示欢迎,也从侧面要求他“尊重中国的核心利益”,即北京在边境上的领土要求。“新的日本政府需要意识到一个毋庸置疑的事实,那就是深深让人不安的中日关系和可怕的不信任将绝不会为利益双方服务,更不用说世界是一个整体。”    

  马尼拉的观点:  


The view from Manila
The Philippines is another country that has long seen itself as an American ally, a position that has come to the fore repeatedly in recent months amid an escalating quarrel with Beijing over the ownership of yet another set of disputed islands in the South China Sea.

  菲律宾是另一个将自己视为美国同盟国的国家,因和北京之间有关位于中国南海小岛的所有权争论升级,最近几月多次引起关注。

But despite the disagreement – which President Benigno Aquino was in Beijing last week trying to cool – the Philippines has come to see Beijing in a different light in recent years. Trade between the two countries grew 52 per cent last year alone, and Manila recently signed its first-ever deal to buy military equipment from China.

  但是尽管有这个争论——总统阿基诺三世上周在北京还试图将其平息——菲律宾最近几年已经在用不同的眼光看待北京。去年两国间的贸易增涨了52%,而且马尼拉最近签订了它的有始以来第一个从中国购买军事装备的订单。

“We still recognize the U.S. as the dominant military power, but we also feel the need to develop our economy and the U.S. is not in a position to help us,” said Benito Lim, professor of Chinese studies at Ateneo de Manila University. “We believe China has the resources, and we hope the U.S. will understand if we turn to China for help.”

  “我们仍然认为美国是主要的军事力量,但我们同样感觉到需发展自己的经济,美国并非处于帮助我们的位置上。” 菲律宾大学亚洲中心教授弗•彼•卢金说。“我们相信中国有资源,同时希望美国会明白我们可能会转向中国寻求帮助。”1

    新加坡的观点

The view from Singapore

By late 2009, the U.S. absence from East Asia was so obvious and worrying that Singapore’s senior statesman, the city-state’s founding father Lee Kuan Yew, felt he had to speak out.

“The 21st century will be a contest for supremacy in the Pacific because that’s where the growth will be,” he told a gala dinner in Washington. “If you do not hold your ground in the Pacific you cannot be a world leader.” 

  直到2009年底,美国在东亚的缺席很明显的而且使得新加坡的政界元老担忧,新加坡国父李光耀觉得他有必要大胆的说出来。   

  “21世纪将是太平洋的主权竞争,因为那将是发展的地方”他在华盛顿的一次盛宴上说道。“如果你不能保住你在太平洋的范围,你无法成为世界的领导者。” 

Mr. Lee’s remarks infuriated many in China, but he was only speaking frankly to an old and often absent friend. “For Lee Kuan Yew and Singapore, the presence of the U.S. as a benign superpower is regarded as the linchpin of peace, stability and prosperity of Asia, especially East Asia,” said Eugene Tan, assistant professor of law at Singapore Management University.

  李先生的话在中国激怒了不少人,但他只是坦白的对一个年老而又经常缺席的朋友说的。“对于李光耀和新加坡来说,美国作为一个超级大国出席被看作是亚洲和平、稳定和繁荣的关键,”新加坡管理大学助理法学教授谭尤金说。

Singapore can nonetheless be counted as another Asian neighbour increasingly in China’s economic sphere of influence. Bilateral trade increased nearly sevenfold between 2000 and 2010, to nearly $80-billion. In the process, China shot from being Singapore’s sixth-largest trading partner to its third-largest (after Malaysia and the European Union), passing the United States in the process.

  新加坡仍然被当作在中国经济影响的范围日益增强的另一个亚洲邻国。双边交易在2000至2010年期间增涨了将近七倍,达到接近800亿美元。在过程中,中国从新加坡的第六大贸易伙伴变成了它的第三大贸易伙伴(仅次于马来西亚和欧盟),并超越了美国。

  仰光的观点

The view from Rangoon
“We all know that the Chinese wanted the U.S. to get bogged down in the Middle East and welcomed it. This must have emboldened China to make assertive moves in East Asia,” said Khin Zaw Win, a veteran pro-democracy dissident who spent 11 years in jail for opposing military rule in Myanmar, the country better known as Burma.

  “我们都知道中国人希望美国在中东问题上陷入困境,这必然鼓励中国在东亚做出了果断的行动,”支持民主而持不同政见的Khin Zaw Win说。他为反对缅甸的军事统治了在监狱待了11年的时间

For Myanmarese, the U.S. disengagement from the region after Sept. 11 meant stepped-up repression and a fading of the pro-democracy movement headed by Aung San Suu Kyi.

  对缅甸来说,美国在911之后离开,意味着镇压的加速以及以昂山素姬为首的支持民主的运动的衰退。

While political life has returned to Myanmar since Ms. Suu Kyi was released from house arrest last year (and since the country’s controversial transition to a nominally civilian government), Beijing is likely to hold more sway than Washington or other rivals over what happens next. “The influence that the Middle Kingdom now bears upon Burma is unprecedented and unchallenged,” Mr. Khin Zaw Win said.

  自从去年被软禁释放出来的昂山素姬的政治生活回到缅甸(此后国家在向名义上的人民政府的过渡中饱受争议),北京似乎比华盛顿和其它对手更能稳住动荡。“中王国现在对缅甸施加的影响力是空前的且不可回避的。”  Khin Zaw Win说。